Harris revokes probation most among big Texas counties
Governor Rick Perry apparently thinks Texas' overincarceration crisis
will go away if he ignores it, but local officials must still manage
the state's broken probation system in the wake of the Governor's
ill-conceived veto of HB 2193.
The Houston Chronicle's Andrew Tilghman reports this morning that
Harris County is struggling to improve supervision of probationers and
lower its probation revocation rate, despite Governor Perry's veto of
legislation to strengthen the probation system. Their goal of reducing
revocations is welcome, but it'd be a lot easier to accomplish if Gov.
Perry had not vetoed new tools to better supervise probationers.
Just as the Texas Senate Criminal Justice Committee found in last
year's interim report, Harris County's high revocation rate leads the
state and is a major driver of Texas' overincarceration crisis:
Roughly one of every seven Harris County probationers was put
behind bars last year for failing to comply with court-ordered
conditions, the highest revocation rate of any major Texas
metropolitan area, state data show.
Once viewed as a respectable sign of a tough criminal justice
system, a high revocation rate is increasingly considered a
liability that fills costly jail space with low-level offenders and
drains tax dollars.
That shift in perception puts mounting pressure on judges and
probation officials at a time when the county probation department,
formally known as the Community Supervision and Corrections
Department, is ailing. ...
Last year, Harris County judges sent 15.8 percent of the county's
felony probationers to jail for violating court-imposed rules or
committing new crimes. The statewide average is 9.8 percent.
If the debate over strengthening Texas' probation system did nothing
else, at least it has busted a hole in the argument that weak
probation benefits society or reduces crime. This "shift in
perception" largely stems from the big-picture reality that right now
Texas' probation system isn't adequately supervising anyone, much less
those most likely to commit new crimes. Revocation and imprisonment
represents an expensive failure of the system, not a "tough" outcome.
Among big Texas counties, here are the 2004 revocation rates:
REVOCATION RATES
Probationers from Harris County end up behind bars at a higher rate
than those from other Texas cities. Listed are counties and the
percentage of felony probationers sent to jail after revocation in
2004:
Harris: 15.8 percent
Tarrant: 15 percent
Dallas: 11.9 percent
Travis: 9.3 percent
Bexar: 8 percent
El Paso: 6 percent
Texas Department of Criminal Justice
That's a pretty impressive range. To me, it shows that probation can
supervise people more successfully than they're doing it in Houston.
After all, El Paso's not revoking one in seven probationers. Sen. John
Whitmire, who chairs the Texas Senate Criminal Justice Committee,
blamed Harris County judges for the high probation revocation rates,
but Tilghman reported those jurists may yet want to change their
stripes:
Others, however, say it is the judges, who impose probation
conditions and ultimately decide whether to revoke, who drive
Harris County's high rates.
"The (county) bench is made up of very conservative people, most of
them former prosecutors," said state Sen. John Whitmire, D-Houston.
"Elements of the judiciary are applying their own theories and
philosophies, contrary to what a lot of experts and advisers would
suggest works."
State District Judge Belinda Hill disagrees.
"I can't imagine that (Harris County judges) are any more rigorous
than any other place," said Hill, who heads the judges'
subcommittee on probation matters.
Hill said the county's 22 felony judges, who oversee the probation
department and hire its director, are working to reduce the
revocation rate. They are discussing plans to create a system of
"progressive sanctions" that will give low-risk probationers more
opportunity to stay out of jail, she said.
That's welcome news. Governor Perry's veto of HB 2193 was a grave
disservice to public safety and to the taxpayers, but the issues
raised by the bill haven't gone away. Tilghman's article shows that
now local governments must wrestle with this looming state crisis,
which the Governor knew existed but refused to provide leadership to
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